Arab and Muslim Anti-Semitism in Sweden. Essay by Mikael Tossavainen.

From Behind the Humanitarian Mask: The Nordic Countries, Israel and the Jews, 2008.

In the wake of the breakdown of the Oslo process and the renewed intifada in 2000, a wave of anti-Semitic violence swept over Europe. Most attention has been paid to the arsons and other violent attacks in France and other countries such as Germany and Belgium. But Swedish Jewry, too, has felt this phenomenon.

As a consequence, interest in anti-Semitism has started to grow over the past few years, and the increasing awareness has affected the public debate. The discourse on anti-Semitism in Sweden, however, has been rather politicized with members of the left-wing intelligentsia and academia trying to trivialize or exculpate expressions of anti-Semitism. For instance, the journalist and bestselling author Jan Guillou has used his column in Sweden’s largest newspaper, the Social Democratic Aftonbladet, to argue that while anti-Semitism used to be a problem in Swedish society, any talk of it in today’s Sweden is only a strategy to build sympathy for Israel and an indirect defense of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.1

One of the reasons that the existence of contemporary Swedish anti-Semitism is debated is a longstanding almost total lack of research on the phenomenon, let alone its current forms.2 To rectify this situation, Henrik Bachner and Jonas Ring carried out a study of current anti-Semitism in Sweden in 2005. They conducted their research on behalf of the Living History Forum and the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention. This was the first quantitative study of anti-Semitism ever performed in Sweden. Statistical in nature, it was based on questionnaires sent to a representative sample of the population. These probed how prevalent anti-Semitic attitudes are in Sweden today, how anti-Semitism is manifested, and to what extent it correlates with certain social, political, or other background factors.

Current Anti-Semitism in Sweden

Bachner and Ring had the participants react to statements reflecting various anti- Semitic opinions or stereotypes ranging from traditional, religiously inspired anti- Jewish sentiments to modern-day anti-Semitism clad in anti-Zionist rhetoric. The results of the study indicated that some 5 percent of Swedes can be characterized as anti-Semites since they “harbor strong and consistent anti-Semitic views.” Another 36 percent of the participants expressed ambivalent opinions about Jews, agreeing with some anti-Semitic statements while rejecting others. Fifty-nine percent of the participants systematically rejected anti-Semitic statements and attitudes altogether.3

One age-old anti-Semitic myth is the idea of a Jewish cabal, or a world conspiracy through which Jews control everything that happens and manipulate the Gentiles to act in accordance with a perceived common Jewish interest. The infamous forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, written by the Czar’s secret police but purporting to be the minutes from secret meetings held by Jews planning to take over the world, is probably the best-known document derived from the anti-Semitic myth of hidden Jewish power. Touching on this topic, Bachner and Ring found that some 15 percent of the Swedish population believe that “the Jews have too much influence in the world today.” Seven percent of the study participants responded that they thought the state of Israel was involved in the 9/11 terror attack. Forty-seven percent rejected the statement but no less than 46 percent expressed no opinion.4

Modern anti-Semitism sometimes expresses itself in connection to the Holocaust. Bachner and Ring detected such anti-Jewish sentiments as well. Seventeen percent of the study participants agreed completely or partly with the statement that “the Jews believe they are the only ones who have suffered,” and 14 percent thought the Jews exploit the Holocaust for their own economic and political purposes. Swedes are apparently not loath to trivialize the Holocaust either, as a quarter of the participants also thought Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians is similar to the Nazi treatment of the Jews.5

As in many other countries, Israel is a target for anti-Semitic sentiments in Sweden. A quarter of the participants thought Israeli politics was characterized by a vengefulness rooted in the Old Testament. This is an ancient Christian stereotype, based on the idea that the Jewish religion is cruel and vengeful whereas Christianity is a loving and merciful creed. Smaller proportions agreed with the following statements: “Israel has no right to exist” (3 percent), “Peace on earth is not possible as long as Israel exists” (9 percent), “Because of Israeli politics, I dislike Jews even more” (8 percent), and “Israeli politics is what causes hatred of Jews” (14 percent).6

Even though, as noted, the issue of anti-Semitism in Sweden is politically sensitive, the sensitivity is probably most tangible regarding anti-Semitism that is focused on Israel. Those segments of Swedish society that are particularly anti-Israeli are also mostly unwilling to admit that criticism of Israel sometimes vents anti-Semitic attitudes, and that some of the extreme anti-Israeli positions are indeed anti-Semitic. Instead, they—like Jan Guillou in the article quoted earlier—regard any discussion of anti-Semitism as an attempt to smother debate on the Middle East conflict.

This has been a much-abbreviated outline of anti-Semitism in Sweden today, and an indication of its extent. The question remains, however: who are these 41 percent of the Swedish population that express some affinity for anti-Semitism— 5 percent of whom can be described as full-fledged anti-Semites?


Who Are the Swedish Anti-Semites?

When the answers in the study are broken down and related to several different background factors, it turns out that age, gender, education, and class all have some minor influence on the propensity to express anti-Semitic views. Older people seem to be slightly more anti-Semitic than those in younger generations, men more than women, and the longer their education the less anti-Semitic the participants seemed to be. But all in all, the difference with regard to these factors is small, and others were even less significant. It did not, for instance, seem to matter where in the country the participants lived, or whether they were urban or rural dwellers. Neither did party allegiance make any noticeable difference, with the obvious exception that self-proclaimed Nazis were consistently more anti- Semitic than people who voted for other parties.7

The participants’ ethnic background seemed to have some influence on their level of anti-Semitism, as people with a foreign background were more prone to express anti-Semitic views, especially if they came from a non-European country. The study suggests that 11 percent of Swedes with foreign backgrounds harbor consistent anti-Semitic views, as opposed to 5 percent of the population as a whole.8

However, the single most important factor that correlated with anti-Semitism was religious background: fully 39 percent of those who responded that they were Muslims expressed systematic anti-Semitic views. In other words, the study indicates that Muslims in Sweden are eight times more prone to anti-Semitism than the population in general. The study also found that 56 percent of participants who claimed to have anti-Semitic acquaintances expressed systematic anti- Semitic views themselves.9

The total number of participants who claimed to be Muslims was seventy- four, or 2.5 percent of the total number of respondents.10 This means that almost a quarter of all those who expressed systematic anti-Semitism were Muslims. Since the number of participants who identified themselves as Muslims was relatively small, one should be cautious about drawing overly extensive conclusions. Furthermore, one should keep in mind that the majority of the Muslim participants in the study did not hold systematic anti-Semitic positions.

Nevertheless, the results indicate that anti-Semitism is significantly more widespread among Muslims than the population in general. Bachner and Ring discuss a possible reason:

One important explanation for the comparatively major prevalence of anti- Semitism among Muslims is probably the political culture that shapes major parts of the Arab world and some other Islamic countries. This is a political culture where anti-Semitism has been legitimated to a significant degree, and for decades has been openly propagated by regimes in some cases, and by media and influential religious leaders and groups in repeated cases. This message is now spread to Muslim and Arab groups in Sweden and Europe via TV broadcasts, the Internet and other media, and via propaganda spread by radical Islamists. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as well as segregation and alienation, probably increase the susceptibility of Muslim groups to anti- Semitism.11

What, then, can be said about Muslim anti-Semitism in Sweden? In the country at large, the tendency of growing Arab and Muslim anti-Semitism has been almost completely ignored, and to this day most Swedes are unaware of the anti- Jewish sentiments among immigrants from Arab and Muslim countries and their descendants. This is no doubt partly because the general Swedish public takes very little interest in the immigrant population, including the three hundred thousand or so Muslims living in Sweden. However, an additional factor concerns the issue of immigration policy and the general understanding of what anti-Semitism is.

Judging by Swedish public discourse over the past decades, anti-Semitism no longer belongs exclusively to neo-Nazis on the extreme Right. This impression is also supported by Bachner and Ring’s study. Yet Swedes have been socialized into treating anti-Semitism as a branch of racism among ultranationalist groups, and connecting hatred of Jews with Nazism and World War II exclusively. Although it is no doubt important to be aware of the anti-Semitism of Nazi Germany and of neo-Nazi groups in today’s world, it can lead to a situation where anti-Semitism among other sectors—such as the extreme Left, Arabs, and Muslims—is largely unknown.12 Thus, this strong conceptual connection between Nazism and anti- Semitism, obfuscating anti-Semitism among other groups in society, further contributes to the difficulties of discussing Muslim anti-Semitism in Swedish society.

This lack of awareness is often coupled with a lack of information. Hence, any discussion of Muslim anti-Semitism must start with a brief exposé of its nature as opposed to the more familiar Nazi kind.

Arab and Muslim Anti-Semitism

Despite the term itself, anti-Semitism has nothing to do with dislike of Semitic peoples in general; by definition, anti-Semitism can only be directed at Jews. Bernard Lewis notes that a common defense of Arab anti-Semites is that they cannot be anti-Semites because they themselves are Semites. As he points out, this would mean that a copy of Mein Kampf published in German in Berlin or in Spanish in Buenos Aires would be anti-Semitic, but an Arabic version of the same book published in Cairo would not be since Arabic and Hebrew are related languages.13

Anti-Semitism is the hatred or dislike of Jews qua Jews, nothing more and nothing less. The term was coined in the 1870s by Wilhelm Marr, partly to dress his anti-Jewish sentiment in a new, modern, ostensibly scientific vocabulary and partly to distance it from Christian anti-Judaism.14  It is hard to give an all- encompassing definition of anti-Semitism beyond the fact that it always involves some elements of negative attitudes or notions about Jews. Helen Fein defines it as a lasting, latent structure of beliefs about Jews as a collective. On the individual level, it manifests itself as sentiments; on the cultural level, as myths, ideology, and popular traditions; and on the practical level as social or legal discrimination, political mobilization against Jews, and collective or even governmental violence against them aiming to expel or even kill them for being Jews.15

Similarly, anti-Semitism in the Arab and Muslim world has an Islamic and a secular-nationalist dimension.16 The latter is more or less identical with the secular forms of anti-Semitism that developed in nineteenth-century Europe. With the growth of European influence in the Middle East, the Arabs imported not only cheap goods and political ideas but also anti-Semitism in this modern, racist form. The first to embrace it were often the local Christian communities, which had closer ties with European Christians than their Muslim neighbors. With the rise of Arab nationalism, an ideology that Christian Arab intellectuals were often among the first to adopt, the Jews were increasingly seen as an alien body in the Arab world, distinct from the Arab Muslims and Christians.17

Religious Muslim anti-Semitism differs from Christian anti-Semitism. Tra- ditionally, Islam does not have the same kind of problematic relationship to Judaism as Christianity has, since Jews in the Muslim tradition were perceived as a vanquished people that did not pose any threat to Islam. So long as Jews recognized Muslims’ superior status and paid the jizyah, the special tax on non- Muslims, they were usually left alone. Some verses in the Koran and examples from the religious tradition show hostility toward Jews, but compared to their brethren in the Christian world, Jews in Muslim countries were usually treated relatively well and only rarely subjected to outright persecution.18

This situation changed in the last century. Unlike in Europe, where the Holocaust made publicly endorsing anti-Semitism taboo, Jew-hatred has always been acceptable in the modern Arab and Muslim world. Owing both to political developments and the growth of radical Islam, more recently it has only inten- sified. The establishment of the state of Israel is doubly problematic in this regard, since it not only is seen as a colonial project of an alien, non-Arab people but also defies the Muslim idea of Dar al-Islam, the Muslim world where infidels are not allowed to rule believers.19 The anti-Semitic elements in the religious tradition that were largely ignored or played only a minor part in Muslim discourse are now salient, and in today’s Arab and Muslim world anti-Semitism is widespread.20 It is propagated both by governments and religious authorities, spread via state- controlled media, the Internet, mosques, schools, and universities.21

This anti-Semitism has also emerged among Arabs and Muslims in Europe. In today’s globalized world, the same satellite television channels and websites can be viewed in Europe as in Egypt or Malaysia. Moreover, the segregation of immigrant neighborhoods contributes to a situation where Arabs and Muslims


in Europe remain part of the cultural discourse of their countries of origin. Radical Islamists in the Middle East have learned to exploit modern technology in their attempts to gain cultural and political power and influence, and they do what they can to spread their message also to European Muslims. By feeding their adherents with a version of history where the Western world aims to undermine, corrupt, and overthrow Muslim society, these Islamists marginalize more moderate voices within Islam, including in Europe. The imagined Jewish conspiracy often plays a central role in their worldview, and anti-Semitism is widespread.

This worldview has won adherents within segments of the Arab and Muslim populations in Europe. This phenomenon  is well known  in Paris,  London, and other metropolitan areas in Europe for years. Until lately, it was virtually unknown that it also existed in Sweden—not least in the suburbs of Sweden’s three largest cities: Stockholm (population one million), Göteborg (500,000), and Malmö (250,000).

However, the nature of the anti-Semitism among some Muslims and Arabs living in Sweden was studied in a 2003 report called “Det förnekade hatet” (The Denied Hatred). It focused on how Muslim anti-Semitism is manifested in three main areas: schools, the Internet, and anti-Semitic attacks.

Suburban Schools

In Swedish schools, religious studies are a mandatory subject. Pupils are taught not only Christianity but also other religions such as Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, and Hinduism. The purpose of these classes is not, as when Protestant Christianity was the only religion in the curriculum, to spread a certain creed but to provide a deeper understanding of other cultures and worldviews and foster tolerance. Some suburban schools, however, have a majority of Arab and Muslim pupils, and they object to the teaching of one specific religion—Judaism. Some of them decline to participate in the classes on this subject, some actively sabotage them, and others do not show up at all. Such pupils may refuse to do their homework or take tests on Judaism, or go on field trips to local synagogues.22

Sometimes pupils react very strongly when Islam is described as a religion that grew out of a tradition largely inspired by Judaism, rejecting the notion that there could be any connection between the two religions. As a consequence, these pupils’ knowledge of Judaism is usually very limited and their prejudices are rife. They may “learn” about Judaism only in the mosques, where apparently they are mostly told that Jews are infidels who will burn in hell.23

Another subject that sometimes causes trouble in these schools is the Holocaust. The Arab and Muslim pupils often express either some form of Holocaust denial, or appreciation for the genocide of European Jewry. Sometimes they profess both opinions simultaneously. While saying on the one hand that the Holocaust is a lie, or at least has been largely exaggerated by Jews to extort reparations or build sympathy for Israeli policies, they also state that it was a pity that Hitler did not kill more Jews.

One Holocaust survivor, who gives lectures at schools all over the country about his experiences during the Shoah, tells of Arab and Muslim pupils who stay away from his talks, sometimes at their parents’ request. Pupils, he says, who do attend rarely express hostility, but those who do are exclusively “of Middle Eastern origin.” After his lectures he asks for the listeners’ evaluations, and once a pupil from an Iraqi family wrote:

That, which happened in the Second World War I think it was a good thing of Hitler to treat the Jews that way because I hate Jews. After the war they tried to get a country because they didn’t have a country and so they took a part of Palestine and they created little Israel because Hitler threw them out of every country and that thing today [the lecture by the survivor] was only crap. The film was bad and I think what Hitler did to the Jews served them right and I don’t care what you [the survivor] talked about and I wish that the Palestinian people kill all the Jews. Jews are the most disgusting people in the world and the biggest cowards and because of what happened today I wasn’t going to come to school because an ugly Jew comes to school.24

Other lecturers and teachers have similar experiences, with pupils expressing their hatred of Jews in the same kind of terms. They rarely make any distinction among Jews, Israelis, or Zionists, and have very clear opinions about Jewish behavior or characteristics despite having had little or no interaction with Jews.

Teachers tend to point to the home environment as explaining these pupils’ attitudes. In the segregated suburbs, immigrants live isolated from Swedish society, culture, and values while staying in touch with the discourse of their countries of origin. Hence, Iraqi, Lebanese, and Palestinian pupils tend to be more anti-Semitic than those from Bosnia or Turkey, for example.25

The Internet

Like others of the ilk, Arab and Muslim anti-Semites long since discovered the advantages of the Internet. There are a number of Muslim anti-Semitic websites in Swedish, the best known of which is that of Radio Islam. Already as a radio station in the 1980s, it broadcast Nazi-like anti-Semitism.26 The content could have been taken from Der Stürmer or Mein Kampf, with the Jews accused of being sexually perverted, brazen, and greedy, committing ritual murders, having great influence over the media, and organizing a world conspiracy aimed at enslaving all other peoples.27

Ahmed Rami, the man behind Radio Islam, was convicted of anti-Semitic hate crimes in 1989 and again in a court of appeals the following year. Nevertheless, influential journalists and politicians supported him and even denied or exculpated his anti-Semitism.28  Jan Bergman, professor of theology at Uppsala University, testified in Rami’s defense and claimed, among other things, that for Jews it was indeed a religious duty to kill Gentiles.29

Although Radio Islam has Sweden’s most aggressively and systematically anti-Semitic Muslim website, it is not the only one. Other sites run by Swedish Muslims on themes such as Islam, Arab and Muslim culture, and Middle Eastern politics disseminate anti-Semitism. While they do so less relentlessly than Radio Islam, the content of their anti-Semitism is little different.30

The idea that Jews all behave in a certain way and have specific character traits is common on these sites. Jews are portrayed as cruel and bloodthirsty, greedy and cheap, power-hungry and arrogant, cowardly and duplicitous. They are also regularly accused of sexual perversion. On one site, which describes “Jewish capital” as controlling pedophilia and child pornography, Jews are charged with sexual misconduct and racism toward Gentiles:

If a Jew attacks a woman’s honor, it doesn’t matter. This is not his fault, since a non-Jewish woman is no more than an animal and with animals there is no need for a marriage contract. Between Jews he is not allowed to act that way. The Jews are allowed to rape non-Jewish women…. No Jewish woman may complain if her husband commits adultery with a non-Jewish woman.31

Both biblical and modern instances are adduced, from distorted accounts of King David to propaganda stories about the Israel Defense Forces. For example, Joseph becoming viceroy of Egypt is cited as an example of Jews’ striving for political and economic control in their countries of residence, with Joseph being compared to Mussolini.32

These sites present Judaism as a perverted or evil religion. An article called “The Truth behind the Animosity between Muslims and Jews” calls on Muslims to hate Jews: “We hate them for the sake of our Lord, we hate them for Allah’s sake because they slandered Allah and slandered and killed His Prophets.” Later, it describes the Talmud as teaching that Gentiles are pigs, their souls worth less in God’s eyes than those of animals, and that Jews must fight Muslims. “The Jews” are also accused of “criminal behavior against the House of Allah,” that is, the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, by trying to destroy it and dig tunnels to undermine it.33

A classic anti-Semitic theme found on some Swedish Muslim websites is that of a Jewish world conspiracy. It is blamed for virtually all problems, from poverty, drug trade, and prostitution to every present-day war and the 9/11 attack. From this viewpoint, the fact that a public person is Jewish is proof of his or her membership in the conspiracy.

Several Swedish institutions such as Uppsala University, the Swedish Bar Association, and Amnesty International are said to be in the conspiracy’s hands. Some of these websites, including Islamiskaforum and Radio Islam, have also published the “Jew List.” Originating in Nazi circles, it contains the names of Swedes who are accused of belonging to the Swedish branch of the Jewish conspiracy. The editor of a large Swedish newspaper is called a “propaganda producer, Jewish whore who chose to work her way up through the Social Democratic Party.” A former governor is described as a “typical thief, a Jew.” A cabinet minister is dubbed a “Jewish midget…Sweden’s Jewish trade minister.” A well-known journalist is referred to as a “Jewish charlatan, a propagandist with a Polish-Jewish background.”34 The list contains hundreds more names.

Anti-Semitic Attacks

It is impossible to fully assess how common anti-Semitic sentiments are among Arabs and Muslims in Sweden. One indication may be the number of anti-Semitic attacks and other crimes with anti-Semitic motives that occur in the country. Because of the relatively large number of such acts that go unreported and the method of registration used by the police, the frequency of these events cannot be ascertained.35 It is clear, however, that they increased sharply in 2000 after the breakdown of the Oslo process and the renewal of the intifada.

The most common form of anti-Semitic crime is harassment in the street by Arab and Muslim youths who identify passersby as Jewish. Such verbal or physical attacks are especially common during Jewish holidays, when more Jews than usual are visible close to synagogues and community centers. For instance, three men identified as Arabs walked by the Great Synagogue in Stockholm on the eve of Rosh Hashanah, 2002, and shouted, “I’ll kill you, Zionists!” A young man was attacked on his way home from synagogue in Malmö by a group of Arab youths on Yom Kippur, 2004. In a slightly different incident in 2002, a Muslim taxi driver refused to drive two elderly women to the synagogue in Stockholm and forced them out of his car when he identified them  as Jewish.36

A major anti-Semitic incident took place in Stockholm on 18 April 2002, when a rally against anti-Semitism and Islamophobia organized by the Liberal Youth Movement was stormed. Some sixty individuals, mostly of Middle Eastern background, physically attacked participants, destroyed signs, and shouted epithets like “Jewish swine!” and “Allahu Akbar!” Many of those at the rally, including some Holocaust survivors, suffered injury and shock before the police intervened after fifteen to twenty minutes. Similar attacks have taken place in Malmö and Göteborg.37

Later, during the Second Lebanon War in 2006, a threat to the synagogue in Malmö forced the community to relocate a prayer service. Much like the attacks during the Second Intifada, this was yet another reminder that tension in the Middle East is sometimes translated into aggression against Diaspora Jews, and rage against the state of Israel is projected onto Jews everywhere.


What Can Be Done?

Although anti-Semitism was suppressed in the public discourse after World War II, it did not disappear. It did, however, remain a marginal phenomenon that did not reenter the mainstream media, and the general impression was that it had disappeared altogether. This may have contributed to many Swedes’ difficulties in realizing that anti-Semitism indeed still exists in the substrata of public debate, and among certain population groups in Sweden. The unwillingness to acknowledge the problem has led to a lack of awareness of it, manifested, for instance, in the virtual absence of scholarly research on the topic.

Bachner and Ring’s pioneering quantitative study of anti-Semitism in Sweden in 2005 showed that although almost 60 percent of Swedes reject anti- Semitism, some 35 percent are ambivalent toward Jews and about 5 percent are anti-Semitic. Among these 5 percent, Muslim Swedes were overrepresented— a result that concurred with earlier research pointing to anti-Semitism among certain Arabs and Muslims in Sweden.

The Arab and Muslim communities in Sweden are large and heterogeneous. Obviously, not all their members are anti-Semites, and only a small handful attack Jews. Still, the anti-Semitism is real and Jews in Sweden feel threatened, few daring to wear a kippa or Magen David pendant in public.

To deal with the situation, the Swedish government and society at large must first cease their denial and acknowledge that it exists. Second, there must be a will to tackle it. The past few years have seen a growing awareness of the problem of anti-Semitism in the Middle East and among people in Sweden of Middle Eastern descent. However, debates on this sensitive issue tend to become politicized quickly, and participants in the public debate who point to the problem are not rarely accused of Islamophobia, lobbying for Israel, or both. Among those who do acknowledge this anti-Semitism, not all perceive it as a problem, or at least not as one that can be confronted. Jan Samuelsson, professor of the history of religions at Stockholm University, says Arab and Muslim anti-Semitism in Sweden is “understandable, reasonable, and justified.”38 Although he is an exception, many others are willing to exculpate the phenomenon as regrettable but inevitable as long as Israel occupies Palestinian territory.

Such tolerance for intolerance is a recipe for catastrophe and in the end may have grave consequences not only for Swedish Jewry. To cease making excuses for the phenomenon and realize that it is part of a global trend is the first step in battling it. This must, however, be part of a broader strategy of counteracting segregation in the suburbs of Sweden’s larger cities. Socially, culturally, and economically integrating the Arab and Muslim immigrants is something from which everyone, not only the Jews, would benefit.


  1. Jan Guillou, “Okupationen är omöjlig att försvara,” Aftonbladet, 15 April 2002, 10 [Swedish]. Guillou is not the only Aftonbladet columnist to hold this See, e.g., Johanne Hildebrandt, “Trötta generaliseringar spär bara på misstron,” Aftonbladet, 26 October 2003, 56 [Swedish]; Mats K. G. Johansson, “Hela arabvärlden demoniseras,” Svenska Dagbladet, 25 February 2004, 56. [Swedish]
  2. Two notable exceptions are Henrik Bachner, Återkomsten—Antisemitism i Sverige efter 1945 (Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, 1999) [Swedish] and Lars Andersson, En jude är en jude är en jude…Representationer av “juden” i svensk skämtpress 1900-1930 (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2000). [Swedish]
  3. Henrik Bachner and Jonas Ring, Antisemitiska attityder och föreställningar i Sverige

(Stockholm: Forum för levande historia, 2005), 129. [Swedish] 4.       Ibid.,130.

  1. Ibid.,130.
  2. Ibid.,131.
  3. Ibid.,132.
  4. Ibid.,132.
  5. Ibid.,133.
  6. Ibid.,76.   11.   Ibid.,137-38.
  7. There are only a few works dealing with anti-Semitism on the Swedish See, e.g., Per Ahlmark, Vänstern och tyranniet—Det galna kvartsseklet (Stockholm: Timbro, 1994) [Swedish]; Henrik Bachner, Återkomsten—Antisemitism i Sverige efter 1945 (Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, 1999). [Swedish]
  8. Bernard Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice (New York and London: W. W. Norton, 1986),
  9. , 49. See also Moshe Zimmermann, Wilhelm Marr: The Patriarch of Antisemitism

(New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986).

  1. Helen Fein, “Dimensions of Antisemitism: Attitudes, Collective Accusations, and Actions,” in Helen Fein, , The Persisting Question: Sociological Perspectives and Social Contexts of Modern Antisemitism, Current Research on Antisemitism, Vol. 1 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1987).
  2. Raphael Israeli, “Anti-Jewish Attitudes in the Arabic Media, 1975-1981,” in Robert
  3. Wistrich, ed., From Anti-Zionism  to Anti-Semitism  in  the  Contemporary  World

(Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, and London: Macmillan, 1990), 102.

  1. Robert Wistrich, Antisemitism: The Longest Hatred (New York: Pantheon Books, 1991), 206.
  2. Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites, 121; Wistrich, Antisemitism,
  3. Wistrich, Antisemitism,
  4. Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites,
  5. See, g., Arnon Groiss, The West, Christians and Jews in Saudi Arabian Schoolbooks (New York and Jerusalem: Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace, 2003); Daniel J. Wakin, “Anti-Semitic ‘Elders of Zion’ Gets New Life on Egypt TV,” New York Times, 26 October 2002; Fouad Ajami, “What the Muslim World Is Watching,” New York Times Magazine, 18 November 2001.
  6. Mikael Tossavainen, “Det förnekade hatet—Antisemitism bland araber och muslimer i Sverige,” Svenska Kommittén Mot Antisemitism, Stockholm, 2003, [Swedish]
  7. Jackie Jakubowski, “‘Judarna kommer att brinna i helvetet,’ förklarar en Det fick han lära sig i en Koran-skola,” Judisk Krönika, 2, 2001. [Swedish]
    The letter is quoted in Tossavainen, “Det förnekade hatet,” The peculiarities in the grammar and orthography reflect the Swedish original. The translation from Swedish is this author’s.Ibid., 26.
  1. Ahlmark, Vänstern och tyranniet, 85. 27.   Ibid., 100.
  2. See, g., Dennis Zachrisson in FiB-Kulturfront, 16, 1988 [Swedish]; Claes-Adam Wachtmeister in Expressen, 26 September 1990 [Swedish]; Sven Öste in Dagens Nyheter, 23 September 1990 [Swedish].
  3. Ahlmark, Vänstern och tyranniet,
  4. Many of these websites have changed their addresses after their anti-Semitic content was analyzed in Tossavainen, “Det förnekade ”
  5. See The translation from Swedish is this author’s.
  6. “Abûl-A’lâ al-Mawdûdî kritiserar Allâhs profeter,” at [Swedish]
  7. “Sanningen bakom fiendskapen mellan Muslimer o Judar,” [Swedish]. The translation from Swedish is this author’s.
  8. See, g.,
  9. See the annual report by the Secret Police (SÄPO), “Brottslighet kopplad till rikets säkerhet 2002,” Stockholm, 2003, 30, [Swedish]
  10. For more examples, see Tossavainen, “Det förnekade hatet,”
  11. See, g., Per Svensson, “Det brinner på Möllevångstorget,” Judisk Krönika, 2, 2001, 30 [Swedish]; Eva Hermelius, “Farligt med kippa på stan,” ibid., 35. [Swedish]
  12. Jan Samuelsson, “‘Muslimers hat mot judar är befogat,’” Dagens Nyheter, 25 October [Swedish]


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