The ongoing physical and verbal attacks against Israel have had a gradual negative effect in a variety of areas. Several years ago there were already indications of how far its demonizers had succeeded in damaging Israel’s image.
A 2006 report on Israel’s international image by the Anholt Nation Brand Index concluded that: “Israel’s brand is, by a considerable margin, the most negative we have ever measured in the NBI, and comes in at the bottom of the ranking on almost every question.”1
Israel has invested substantially over the past few years in improving its image. Despite the negative publicity it gets in many media, it has risen in rank- ing. In the 2014-2015 Future Brand Country Brand Index, Israel was ranked twenty-sixth out of seventy-five.2
A more professional overview of the success of delegitimization attacks against Israel and of discrimination against Israelis is required. Here a number of major categories will be mentioned, with some examples.
Discrimination within United Nations Bodies
Discrimination against Israel at the United Nations is widespread. As Cotler noted already a decade ago:
[Israel] has been excluded from its proper geographical location, Asia and is a limited member of the Western European and Other Group (WEOG). Its status does not grant it the right to participate equally in the deliberations of the UN or to be nominated and elected to international bodies. While the UN Charter requires it to operate pursuant to principles of the equality of nations large or small, Israel is disenfranchised.
He added that a similar attitude prevailed in the UN’s specialized agencies.3
Need for Security Measures
Israeli institutions abroad including embassies and consulates have been attacked and have had to take major security measures. In addition to their own guards, they are often guarded by the local police. Terrorist attacks have been perpetrated against Israeli institutions from time to time, several with lethal results. Some Israeli diplomats have been killed outside of embassies.
The most lethal attack against Israeli diplomats abroad was the 1992 car bombing of the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires. More than twenty people were killed and close to 250 wounded. Gustavo Perednik, an expert on Latin American Jewry, says, “The judicial investigations have shown convincingly that Iran was behind the AMIA attack [a Jewish communal institution in Buenos Aires] and the 1992 car bombing of the Israeli embassy … Yet, Argentina never severed diplomatic relations with Iran.”4
In 2012, twin car bombs targeted employees of the Israeli Foreign Ministry in Georgia and India. Intelligence demonstrated that Iran was behind these attacks. They are believed to have served as retribution for the killing of a senior Hizbullah official, Imad Mughniyeh, one day after the fourth anniversary of his assassination. In the attack in New Delhi, India, the wife of an Israeli defense attaché was moderately injured. In Georgia, the car of a Georgian national who worked for the Israeli embassy was targeted. However, the bomb was neutralized by Georgian police.5
Various websites give overviews of the main terrorist attacks against Israelis abroad.6 In 2003, Israel’s former ambassador to the United Kingdom Shlomo Argov died from wounds sustained twenty-one years earlier. In 1982 he was shot in the head by terrorists from the Abu Nidal Organization, resulting in a three- month coma and lifelong paralysis. This assassination attempt was also one of the deciding factors in the Israeli government’s launching of the 1982 Lebanon War.7 From 1969 to 2011 there were a total of ninety-two attempted and successful attacks and assassinations on Israeli embassies and diplomatic staff. In some cases local people were the sole victims. For instance, in 1988 in a bomb deto- nation by terrorists a few hundred meters from the Israeli embassy in Nicosia, Cyprus, several local police officers were killed. Perpetrators of attacks have ranged from locals, as in the 2011 attack on the Israeli embassy in Cairo, to neo-Nazis, Palestinians, Iranians, and other Muslims.8
Israeli airlines have been attacked as well and require special protection. In many airports El Al is the only airline where security personnel, both Israeli and local, specifically protect the travelers. Terrorist attacks have taken place over the past decades on Israeli planes and at various airports.
A few examples will illustrate this. On December 27, 1985, there were terrorist attacks at the Leonardo da Vinci Airport in Rome and the Schwechat Airport in Vienna. Thirteen people were killed in the Rome attack and seventy-six injured. Three of the terrorists were killed by Israeli security staff.
At the Vienna airport on the same day, terrorists attacked the ticket counters of El Al. Two Austrian passengers and an Israeli were killed and forty-four people were injured. After Israeli security guards and Austrian police gave chase, one terrorist was killed and two were wounded. In 2002, an Egyptian terrorist killed two at the El Al counter at the Los Angeles International Airport.9
The best-known airline attack by terrorists against Israelis and Jews abroad involved a foreign airline. An Air France flight left Tel Aviv on July 27, 1976 for Paris. It was hijacked by pro-Palestinian terrorists after an intermediate stop in Athens and flown to Entebbe in Uganda. An Israeli-army rescue mission ended the hostage crisis. Several hostages were killed as well as IDF officer Yonatan Netanyahu, brother of current Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.10 Israeli tourist groups have also been attacked abroad on various occasions.
In 2002 in Mombasa, Kenya, terrorists fired shoulder-launched missiles at an Israeli passenger plane. They missed their target. Shortly afterward, three suicide bombers detonated explosives close to the Israeli-owned Paradise Hotel there. Twelve people, primarily Kenyans and the three terrorists, were killed and dozens were wounded.11 In February 2012, four Iranian suspects were ar- rested in Thailand for explosions targeting Israeli nationals.
In 2012, two terrorists carried out a bus bombing in Burgas, Bulgaria. Five Israelis and a Bulgarian bus driver were killed, and thirty-two Israelis were wounded. Later the Bulgarian government published names of two terrorists who were Lebanese citizens; one of them also had Canadian and the other Australian citizenship. There are strong indications that Hizbullah was behind the bombing.12
Sport is an area where Israelis have been affected in many ways for a long time. It should therefore be analyzed separately. In various sports, Israel is excluded from Asian competitions. It has instead, however, been welcomed in various European competitions, including for soccer and basketball. Israeli sportsmen and trainers have been actively recruited abroad. An estimated forty Israeli soccer players played for teams abroad as of 2012.13
Individual Israeli players have been excluded from some international competitions.14 In February 2009, internationally-ranked Israeli tennis player Shahar Peer was refused a visa to the United Arab Emirates for the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) Tour. Emirati officials cited “security concerns” following Israel’s Operation Cast Lead in Gaza. In response to this unprecedented measure in the world of tennis, the WTA stipulated that Dubai could only stage tournaments with written confirmations that they would issue visas for all Israeli athletes.15
Peer also faced hostility for being an Israeli in New Zealand only a month before being excluded from the WTA Tour in Dubai. In January 2009, she faced a “small but noisy” protest of about twenty people against Operation Cast Lead outside of a stadium where she played in Auckland. Peer rejected calls to withdraw from the tournament. In her words, “I am not the government of Israel and I am not representing Israel in politics. I am a tennis player and that’s what I represent now.”16
Violence in Sports
Aggression and insults have often been directed at Israeli teams and players in Europe. A much-publicized murderous case was the killing of eleven Israeli athletes by Palestinian terrorists at the Munich 1972 Olympics.17
Israeli players and teams have been assaulted abroad on a number of occasions. One large-scale incident took place in Turkey’s capital Ankara in January 2009 at the time of Israel’s Cast Lead campaign. The Israeli basketball team Bnei Hasharon was supposed to play against the local club Turk Telekom.
Before the game started, many of the three thousand Turkish fans shouted “Allah Akbar” (God is great). Some fans threw bottles at the Israeli players and stormed onto the court, forcing the Israeli players to flee to the dressing rooms.18
In July 2013, Austrian police canceled a friendly soccer game between Maccabi Tel Aviv and the German team Energie Cottbus. In this case the threats came from extreme rightists.19
During Operation Protective Edge, the Israeli Maccabi Haifa soccer team was attacked in Austria by Turkish hooligans.20 In Poland, near Warsaw, the Israeli Ashdod soccer team was attacked by skinheads.21
The under-nineteen players of Maccabi Netanya were insulted by shouts during a game in Dortmund, Germany. Fourteen neo-Nazis shouted “Jews out of Palestine,” “Never again, Israel,” “Israel: international murder center of people” and waved the Palestinian and Nazi flags until the police removed them from the stadium.22
Various actions in the academic domain have affected Israel and Israeli academics. Although some wide-ranging boycotts have been announced, these are mainly cases that affect individuals rather than Israeli academia at large.
In April 2013, the Teachers Union of Ireland (TUI) became the first European educational trade union to call for an academic boycott of Israel. It was to include “the exchange of scientists, students and academic personalities as well as cooperation in research programs.”23
In 2013, similar efforts intensified in the United States with three organizations deciding to sever links with Israeli academic institutions. These were the Association for Asian American Studies, the American Studies Association, and the Native American and Indigenous Studies Association (NAISA). The practical impact of these actions remains limited.
There have been some reports of academic journals refusing to publish articles by Israeli scholars. The Guardian wrote in 2002 about Professor Oren Yiftachel, a left-wing Israeli academic at Ben-Gurion University who has made extreme anti-Israeli statements such as, “Israel is almost the most segregated society in the world.” He submitted an article that was coauthored with an Arab scholar, Dr. Asad Ghanem of the University of Haifa, to the left-leaning journal Politi- cal Geography.
Yiftachel had claimed to The Guardian that his article was returned unopened, with a note attached explaining that the journal could not accept a submission from Israel.24 In a subsequent clarification, The Guardian reported that Political Geography’s editor had asked for revisions and thereafter would have referred the article for review without guaranteeing that it would be published.25
Similar difficulties may affect authors who are not willing to distort their work so as to make it more pro-Palestinian. Publishers have many ways to compel authors to compromise on the truth. American psychologist Steven Baum relates that he had proposed his book Antisemitism Explained to Cambridge University Press. In one chapter he illustrated how Muslim propaganda had promoted hatred of Israel.
While originally Cambridge University Press had liked the book, a new editor came in. He didn’t like this explanation of the anti-Israel sentiment, even though it was consistent with the main theme of my book. He wanted me to focus on context, i.e., the Palestinian point of view. I asked what this had to do with a book on anti-Semitism. The reply came down to “fix it or walk.” I did not want to distort my opinions, whereupon the editor rejected my book.
Several other academics told me that they had a difficult time publishing articles which put Israel in a favorable light. I realized then that there were no academic journals which were specifically devoted to investigating anti- Semitism. Pro-Palestinian academics, however, encountered no such problems. By contrast there is a Journal of Palestine Studies which is available in many libraries.26
Yet another discriminatory action is the refusal of some anti-Israeli foreign academics to review works by Israeli scholars. Israeli universities often ask scholars abroad to review the work of Israeli academics with regard to promo- tion. Professor Paul Zinger, a former head of the Israel Science Foundation, told the Sunday Telegraph that about seven thousand research papers are sent out each year for review. In 2002, about twenty-ﬁve came back from scholars who refused to look at them.27 Similarly there are efforts to convince academ- ics not to visit Israel.
Another development is that Israelis are not invited to international conferences or to lecture at foreign universities. In Italy, David Meghnagi of Rome 3 University organized a group of hundreds of Italian academics who see to it that a certain number of Israeli scholars are invited each year to teach at Italian universities.28
There are some known cases of academics refusing to publish in Israeli publications. In 2006, for instance, Professor Richard Seaford of Exeter University refused to review a book for the Israeli journal Scripta Classica Israelica.29 The April 2002 letter in The Guardian organized by the Rose couple was the first public call in Europe to discriminate against Israel. Its aim was to prevent Israeli academics from obtaining grants. Whether it has had any impact is not known.
Sometimes on campus there are campaigns to get university foundations to divest from Israeli securities, or from those of American suppliers of weapons to Israel. This is a particularly American phenomenon.
The impact of anti-Israeli academic-boycott activities is unknown. Those who instigate them know that they mainly have a public relations effect. How- ever, the longer they continue, the more the anti-Israelism also penetrates into academic society.
The Economic Area
There are boycott attempts against Israeli firms abroad, people who sell Israeli goods, or supply to Israel. Many of these attempts are primarily against firms in the disputed territories, but this is far from exclusive. No overview of these anti-Israeli activities exists. Much information can, however, be gained from various BDS websites.
One firm that has suffered from this is Ahava Cosmetics, an Israeli firm located in Mitzpe Shalem in the West Bank. In 2011, for instance, it had to close its London store because of frequent activity by pro-Palestinian boycotters.30 In 2012, the major Norwegian pharmaceutical retail firm VITA stopped selling its products.31
Another firm located in the territories that is often subject to boycott attacks is SodaStream. Companies and shops that sell Israeli products are also targets of violence. The United Church of Canada, for instance, has called for the boycott of products of Ahava, SodaStream, and Keter Plastics.32
Music and Other Performances
The issue of artistic boycotts of Israel has two major aspects. First, there is increasing pressure on international artists not to perform in Israel. Second, Israeli artists and their audiences face aggressions and pressures by boycott advocates when these artists perform abroad.
Individual international artists who choose to perform in Israel face boycott pressures. When singer Alicia Keys made the decision to perform in Israel, writer and BDS activist Alice Walker responded with an open letter urging her to cancel her performance. However, Keys ignored pressures and continued with her scheduled concert. Other international musicians like Bon Jovi and the Pixies have bowed to intimidation by BDS activists and canceled concerts.33
The Pixies, however, decided in June 2014 to ignore BDS pressures and perform in Tel Aviv.34
Israeli artists also feel these pressures when performing abroad. On March 15, 2013, pro-Palestinian vuvuzela-blowing protesters stormed a concert and interrupted a performance by Israeli-born pianist Yossi Reshef in Johannesburg. Although Reshef has been living abroad for many years and has given recitals across the globe, protesters accused this recital of being an intentional rejoinder to Israel Apartheid Week, coincidentally occurring at the same time.
They claimed this concert was “a direct attempt to undermine the campaign.”35
The Israeli Batsheva Dance Company faced a similar fate during their performances in the United Kingdom. Although they were not outright banned from appearing at the 2012 Edinburgh Fringe Festival, the renowned and well-reviewed contemporary dance company performed to half-empty houses. Performances were also interrupted by protesters. In one case at the festival, protesters interrupted a performance four times with chants of “Free Palestine.”36 Notwithstanding Batsheva choreographer Ohad Naharin’s statement that he is “in disagreement” with his government, the troupe has been protested against globally merely for its nationality.37 In other words, the cho- reographer could learn from this that he was not heckled for what he thought, but for what he was.
Israeli groups were similarly boycotted at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival in the summer of 2014. A Jerusalem-based theater company and Ben-Gurion University’s dance troupe were forced to cancel performances at the festival. Protesters claimed that they were targeting these performances and not two other Israeli ones at the festival because they received public funding from Israel.38
Protests against Israeli musicians abroad have occasionally grown so threat- ening that some Israeli musicians have even had to cancel performances out of safety concerns. In June 2011 award-winning composer Yuval Ron, whose musical ensemble includes Christian and Muslim members, had to cancel an Istanbul concert because of death threats. Some of these threats were allegedly connected to the IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation, the Turkish NGO that led the 2010 Gaza flotilla.39
In 2010, a Jewish dance group was attacked while performing during a street festival in Hanover, Germany. Members of the Haverim dance group were pelted with stones as they took the stage, and one dancer was injured. The youthful stone-throwers screamed “Juden raus!” (Jews out). Six suspects rang- ing in age from nine to nineteen were identified; five of the six were Muslims.40 Brand Israel was a campaign launched by the Israeli Foreign Ministry. Al- though it succeeded in attracting some positive attention to Israel, it also served as a rallying cry for Israel’s opponents, leading to protests against pro-Israeli events. This included both Foreign Ministry-sponsored events and some that were not, like the 2009 Toronto International Film Festival, which highlighted Israeli achievement in film.41
Legal Action Against Israelis
On various occasions, attempts have been made to cause the arrest of Israeli authorities or former officials on the basis of alleged war-crime accusations against them. Court cases have also been brought.
The most far-reaching legal case concerned then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. In June 2001, a number of survivors and family members of Palestinian victims of the 1982 murders by Lebanese Christians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps submitted a complaint to a Belgian court under the country’s universal-jurisdiction law. It was not, however, directed against the Lebanese murderers, many of whom had been identified. The claim was instead against Sharon, defense minister during the 1982 First Lebanon War; Rafael Eitan, chief of staff during the war; and Amos Yaron, head of Northern Command during the war.
Irit Kohn was head of the International Department of the Israeli Justice Ministry at the time and led the Israeli defense team. She recounted:
This complaint seemed a politically motivated act. The complainants waited until Sharon became prime minister of Israel. They wanted to subject him to criminal prosecution for alleged war crimes. They claimed that as Sharon was Israeli defense minister in 1982 and collaborated with the Christian militias, he should have known that if they came to the Palestinian refugee camps, there would be a massacre.42
Contrary to the expectations of Sharon’s Belgian lawyers, the process went ahead. In its course, however, in 2003 a further complaint was brought under Belgium’s universal-jurisdiction law against former U.S. President George Bush, Sr., then-Secretary of State Colin Powell, and retired General Norman Schwarzkopf concerning the Gulf War in Iraq. The United States thereupon informed the Belgian government that if the process were to go ahead, NATO’s headquarters would be moved away from Brussels.
Kohn observed that the Belgian parliament rushed to change the law, and amendments to it were passed that would cre- ate obstacles for future plaintiffs. These included provisions that a plaintiff or victim would have lived in Belgium for three years. There would also have to be real linkage between the alleged crime and Belgian interests and several other such clauses.
Initially they wanted to exclude the United States from the universal law but not the three Israelis. Till the last moment there was a major Belgian parliamentarian effort to retain the original complaint as to them having committed a war crime. That, however, would have proved that the entire motivation of the process against Sharon was political. It would also have shown that the Belgian parliament could legislate against a particular country, which would have publicly revealed their one-sidedness toward Israel. In the end they also understood that such a move would not hold up judicially.43
On a number of occasions, attempts were made to arrest leading Israelis abroad. For example, in 2008 a British district judge ordered the arrest of General (res.) Doron Almog. Having arrived in London, he decided to remain in the El Al plane and returned to Israel.44
In 2009, a British court issued an arrest warrant for Tzipi Livni concerning her responsibility for alleged war crimes while she was Israel’s foreign minister during Operation Cast Lead in Gaza that year. The warrant was later withdrawn when it turned out that she was not in the UK.45 Similarly, in 2011 an arrest warrant was issued against former Israeli Defense Minister Amir Peretz. It was withdrawn when he supposedly canceled his trip; he came to the UK later on.46 In 2011, Israeli General (res.) Danny Rothschild broke off a visit to London after the Israeli embassy warned him he was in danger of being arrested if he remained in the UK.47
In 2010, Intelligence and Atomic Energy Minister Dan Meridor canceled a planned visit to London. The Israeli Foreign Ministry and the Justice Ministry warned Meridor that he might face an arrest warrant connected to his alleged role in the IDF raid on the Gaza-bound ship Mavi Marmara earlier that year.48
In 2014, Karmi Gilon, former director of the Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet), left Denmark after a police complaint was filed against him. It was unclear what the consequences would be. The Danish legal authorities decided to reject the complaint.49
In 2010 the Israeli Reut Institute stated that in the UK, the Netherlands, Spain, Belgium, and Norway, a network of lawyers existed that aimed to com- pile a list of IDF officers who should be charged with war crimes. The sources for this information apparently came from pro-Palestinian activists who track invitations extended by pro-Israeli organizations abroad to IDF officials and Israeli politicians.50
The above mentioned cases were all in the public domain. Yet unofficial or concealed boycotts also exist. Little is known about them because the boycotters do not announce them, or give reasons other than the real ones for their actions. This was a common phenomenon under the initial Arab economic boycott. Investment proposals involving Israeli firms and projects, or collaborations, were suggested to Western firms. When they were turned down by such firms wishing to comply with the boycott, they often gave a variety of reasons other than their main motivation.
This is a subject to be studied in more detail. This author experienced several cases of this firsthand in the last decades of the previous century.
Almost a decade ago, this author was told by several Israeli academics that some colleagues abroad with whom they had long-term contacts had severed them without explanation. In 2002, Hebrew University lecturer Aaron Benavot was quoted saying there was anecdotal evidence of this type of boycott. Two colleagues in the Geography Department, for example, received a letter from the section editor of an international journal who said he was unable to con- sider their papers because he was a signatory to the boycott. Another Israeli scholar in London was told by his coordinator that he could “foresee problems” with colleagues in Europe if the Israeli joined an EU-funded research team.51
There are also various issues that do not come under any of the aforementioned headings. The Tricycle Theater in London, longtime host of the UK Jewish Film Festival, decided to rescind its role as the festival venue in the summer of 2014. In light of Operation Protective Edge, the theater asked the festival to “not accept funding from any party to the current conflict.” The festival instead searched for alternative venues, refusing to decline a grant it receives from the Israeli embassy in London. The Tricycle Theater later withdrew this demand, but the 2014 festival was still held elsewhere.52
The sole MP from the British Respect Party, George Galloway, was interviewed by police in August 2014 after complaints over a speech he gave. In it he stated, “We don’t want any Israeli goods, we don’t want any Israeli services, we don’t want any Israeli academics coming to the university or the college, we don’t even want any Israeli tourist in Bradford, even if any of them had thought of doing so.”
This dispute escalated when, following these remarks, Israeli Ambassador to the UK Daniel Taub visited Bradford and met with local Jewish leaders. According to the embassy, Taub arrived at their invitation despite Galloway’s assertions that he was unwelcome.53
The Impact of Anti-Israeli Actions
All in all, the combined impact of various anti-Israeli actions is not huge so far. This may change in the future if counteractions by Israel and its allies remain haphazard instead of systematic.
Anti-Israeli actions have, however, a number of other aspects. The boycotts receive publicity, which often damages Israel’s image. They are even frequently undertaken mainly for their public relations aspects rather than to make an actual impact.
For some corporations and individuals, however, divestments and boycotts may be more problematic than for Israeli society at large. Sometimes, but far from always, they turn into an occasion to mobilize Israel’s friends. The potential of this is rarely fully utilized.
- Anholt Nation Brands Index Special Report, “Israel’s International Image,” Q3 Report 2006.
- “Country Index 2014-2015,” Future Brand, 2014.
- Manfred Gerstenfeld, interview with Irwin Cotler, “Discrimination against Israel in the International Arena: Undermining the Cause of Human Rights at the United Nations,” in Europe’s Crumbling Myths: The Post-Holocaust Origins of Today’s Anti-Semitism (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, Yad Vashem, World Jewish Congress, 2003), 221.
- Manfred Gerstenfeld, interview with Gustavo Perednik, “Argentian, Jews, and Israel,” Israel National News, January 15, 2013.
- Jonathan Lis, Avi Issacharoff, Amos Harel, and Barak Ravid, “Sources: Israel not expected to respond harshly to India, Georgia attacks,” Haaretz, February 14, 2012,
- Reuters and Israel Hayom Staff, “Timeline: Attacks on Jewish and Israeli targets abroad,” Israel Hayom, July 19, 2012.
- Lawrence Joffe, “Shlomo Argov,” The Guardian, February 25, 2003.
- Justus Reid Weiner, “Diplomatic Immunity? Terror Attacks Against Israeli Embassies and Diplomatic Representatives Abroad,” World Jewish Congress, September 16, 2012.
- Reuters, “Timeline: Attacks on Jewish targets, Israelis abroad,” The Jerusalem Post, July 19, 2012.
- “Israel’s Wars & Operations: The Entebbe Rescue Operation,” Jewish Virtual Library.
- James Bennet, “In Kenya, 3 Suicide Bombers Attack Hotel Owned by Israelis; Missiles Fired at Passenger Jet,” The New York Times, November 28, 2002.
- Benjamin Weinthal, “Bulgaria names Hezbollah suspects behind bombing of Israeli bus in Burgas,” The Jerusalem Post, July 25, 2013.
- “An Updated List of Israelis Abroad,” Israel Football, February 1, 2012,
- Mark Misérus, “Hoofdsponsor eist excuses van Vitesse om Dan Mori,” de Volkskrant, January 10, 2014 (Dutch).
- Mark Hodgkinson, “Israel’s Shahar Peer promised visa for Dubai event by United Arab Emirates,” The Telegraph, January 5, 2010.
- DPA, “Israeli tennis star Shahar Peer faces Gaza protest while playing in New Zealand,” Haaretz, January 8, 2009.
- Benjamin Weinthal, “Germany marks 40 years since Munich massacre,” The Jerusalem Post, September 6, 2012.
- “Israeli team fl es to changing room in Turkey,” The Jerusalem Post, January 6, 2009.
- “Far-Right Fears: German-Israeli Football Match Cancelled,” Spiegel Online International, July 9, 2013,
- “Maccabi Haifa’s friendly with Lille stopped early after pro-Palestinian protesters storm the pitch and attack the players,” Daily Mail, July 23, 2014,
- Sarah Leah Lawent, “Skinheads Attack Israeli Soccer Team in Poland,” Israel National News, July 26, 2014,
- Stefan Laurin, “Nazis beschimpfen in Dortmund Gäste aus Israel,” Die Welt, July 25, 2014 (German).
- Jonny Paul, “Irish teachers union adopts full boycott of Israel,” The Jerusalem Post, April 8, 2013.
- Andy Beckett, “It’s water on stone—in the end the stone wears out,” The Guardian, December 12, 2002.
- Corrections and Clarifications column, The Guardian, December 19, 2002.
- Manfred Gerstenfeld, interview with Steven Baum, “A Journal on Anti-Semitism Born out of Adversity,” in Demonizing Israel and the Jews (New York: RVP Press, 2013), 64-66.
- Douglas Davis, “Fears Voiced that Academic Boycott of Israel Could Endanger Lives,” The Jerusalem Post, December 15, 2002.
- David Meghnagi, personal communication.
- Jonny Paul, “The Emergence of a Silent Academic Boycott of Israel,” EJPress, May 28, 2006.
- Yaniv Halily, “AHAVA closes London store over threats,” Ynetnews, September 22, 2011.
- Rachel Hirshfeld, “Norwegian Retail Chain Boycotts Ahava Cosmetics,” Israel National News, April 2, 2012.
- Ari Yasher, “United Church of Canada Launches BDS Campaign,” Israel National News, April 12, 2013,
- Debra Kamin, “Rihanna and other artists who play Israel feel the pressure,” Variety, October 16, 2013.
- Dafna Maor, “In Israel, the Pixies’ roar is as touching as a lullaby,” Haaretz, June 18, 2014.
- Or Barnea, “Protestors storm Israeli pianist’s recital,” Ynetnews, March 15, 2013.
- Anshel Pfeffer, “Protesters disrupt Israel’s Batsheva dance troupe at Edinburgh festival, but the show goes on,” Haaretz, August 31, 2012.
- Jackie Kemp, “Batsheva dance group: my deep shame at this bigoted festival protest,” The Guardian, September 2, 2012.
- “Second Israeli-funded Edinburgh Festival Fringe show cancelled,” BBC, August 4, 2014.
- Ben Hartman, “Israeli musician cancels Istanbul concert,” The Jerusalem Post, June 12, 2011.
- Maayana Miskin, “Jewish Dancers Attacked in Germany,” Israel National News, June 25, 2010.
- Haskell Nussbaum, “Brand Israel turned Canada into a PR battlefield,” The Jerusalem Post, June 10, 2009.
- Manfred Gerstenfeld, interview with Irit Kohn, “The Suit against Sharon in Belgium: A Case Analysis,” in European-Israeli Relations: Between Confusion and Change? (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, Adenauer Foundation, 2006), 211-218.
- Vikram Harman, “Terror police feared gun battle with Israeli general,” The Guardian, February 19, 2008.
- Ian Black and Ian Cobain, “British court issued Gaza arrest warrant for former Israeli minister Tzipi Livni,” The Guardian, December 14, 2009.
- Martin Bright, “UK arrest scare for top Israeli,” Jewish Chronicle, July 7, 2011.
- Danna Harman, “Arrest warning prompts retired Israeli general to cut short London visit,” Haaretz, July 6, 2011.
- Barak Ravid, “Deputy PM Meridor cancels London visit following lawsuit threat,” Haaretz, November 1, 2010.
- Herb Keinon, “Karmi Gilon forced to leave Denmark before film screening,” The Jerusalem Post, January 11, 2014.
- “Building a Political Firewall against the Assault on Israel’s Legitimacy: London as a Case Study,” Reut Institute, November 2010.
- Peter Foster, “Academia Split over Boycott of Israel,” Daily Telegraph, May 16, 2002.
- Caroline Davies, “Tricycle Theatre does U-turn and lifts ban on Jewish film festival,” The Guardian, August 15, 2014.
- Helen Pidd, “George Galloway interviewed by police over Bradford ‘Israel-free zone’ speech,” The Guardian, August 19, 2014.